Global Intelligence Summary
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Sustained Iranian Attacks Reshape Gulf Security
SITUATION SUMMARY | Intelligence cut off: 12:00 UTC 05 MARCH 2026
Since 28 February, Iran has conducted multiple waves of ballistic missile and one-way attack unmanned aerial vehicle (OWA-UAV) strikes targeting the Gulf States. Strikes were conducted almost immediately in response to US and Israeli operations in Iran, which resulted in the death of Ayatollah Khamenei. The primary targets for Iranian strikes have been US regional bases, including Ali Al Salem Air Base, Camp Arifjan, and Camp Buehring in Kuwait; Naval Support Activity Bahrain, which hosts the headquarters of the US Navy’s Fifth Fleet; Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar; Al Dhafra Air Base in the United Arab Emirates (UAE); and Prince Sultan Air Base in Saudi Arabia, in additional to strikes on facilities used by US forces outside of the Gulf, including Muwaffaq Salti Air Base in Jordan.
US diplomatic missions have also been targeted multiple times, including the US Embassy in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, and the US Consulate in Dubai, UAE, both of which were targeted by OWA-UAVs. However, Iran’s targeting patterns have been markedly more aggressive than in previous regional crises, with strikes increasingly directed toward civilian-profile infrastructure and dual-use facilities. Targets have included international airports, hotels, energy installations, ports, and commercial shipping.
In Kuwait, at least four people have been killed and 35 injured, with several incidents involving debris from successful interceptions, including in the capital region. In Bahrain, one person has been killed and four injured. Iranian missile and UAV activity has targeted Bahrain International Airport, which sustained material damage from a UAV strike. A hotel accommodating US personnel was also targeted in Manama. In Qatar, 16 people have been injured, primarily due to falling debris from intercepted missiles and UAVs in populated areas. Qatar has also suspended gas liquefaction in response to strikes on its production facilities. In the United Arab Emirates (UAE), at least three people have been killed and 68 injured. Civilian impacts have included residential areas near Zayed International Airport in Abu Dhabi, injuries to staff at Dubai International Airport, and damage to buildings in Palm Jumeirah.
In Oman, one person has been killed and five injured in incidents involving civilian maritime and port infrastructure. On land, there has been one recorded injury to a port worker. Duqm port, a dual-purpose facility that has historically been used as a logistics node for US naval operations, has been targeted several times. In Saudi Arabia, the country’s largest oil refinery at Ras Tanura has been hit at least twice by Iranian UAVs, forcing its closure.
While the intensity of Iranian strikes has significantly decreased since the start of the conflict, sustained strikes have continued to result in widespread disruption. As of 5 March, airspace closure remains in place over Kuwait, Bahrain, and Qatar, while the UAE has only partially reopened its airspace to limited civilian flights. Numerous carriers have suspended flights to the region, and multiple government embassies have issued security alerts, either warning their citizens to depart where possible or to continue sheltering in place due to the heightened risk environment. Expenditure rates for regional air defence systems have been very high, leading to multiple reports indicating that the Gulf States may soon run out of interceptor munitions.
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INTELLIGENCE ANALYSIS
Gulf Infrastructure and Energy Markets at Elevated Risk
Iran’s shift to the targeting of critical infrastructure and other civilian profile targets is likely reflective of an attempt to increase economic disruption across the Gulf, pressure regional governments that host US military bases and support operations, and demonstrate Iran’s capacity to impose widespread costs across the region despite being under sustained pressure from US and Israeli joint strikes. Iran may have also calculated that attacks of this magnitude may undermine the long-term presence of the US military in the Middle East by increasing the political and security costs for host nations and raising domestic pressure within Gulf states to distance themselves from US military operations.
Iran is also likely attempting to pressure Washington and Tel Aviv by provoking international condemnation and economic pressures on a global scale. Attacks on oil and gas infrastructure, followed by the suspension of operations at these sites, combined with a de facto Iranian blockade in the Strait of Hormuz, will almost certainly trigger economic shocks and volatility in global energy markets, as well as disruptions to maritime trade and energy supply chains. This strategy is likely to increase international pressure and could help to isolate Washington.
Before the US and Israeli offensive operations in Iran, the US conducted hundreds of cargo flights to the region to enhance its force posture and defensive capabilities. This involved the rapid deployment and reallocation of air defence systems and munitions to the Gulf. Large-scale and layered Iranian ballistic missile and UAV attacks have largely been contained by regional air defence systems, although casualties and damage have resulted from interceptions. Moreover, joint strikes and high rates of expenditure have rapidly degraded Iran’s ballistic missile capabilities, resulting in marked decreases in the volume of missiles it is firing in just a matter of days.
However, Iran was assessed to have 2000-2500 ballistic missiles before the start of the war, and as many as 100,000 long-range attack UAVs. Iran will likely be able to sustain long-range attacks across the Gulf for weeks, even if its ballistic missile capabilities are completely destroyed or exhausted. Previous Iranian attacks have likely probed for weaknesses and vulnerabilities in regional air defence systems, which could be exploited in future attacks. Moreover, the expenditure rates of regional air defence munitions have been extremely high and in many cases, very cost-ineffective, with expensive interceptor missiles used to counter low-cost UAVs and relatively-low cost missile systems.
Iran’s initial tactics may have been to force the Gulf States into rapidly expending large volumes of air defence interceptors to degrade regional air defence capacity. If the Gulf States run critically low on interceptors, Iran will likely exploit this by targeting the affected countries with increased attacks, especially with low-cost UAVs, as its ballistic missile capabilities are either spent or held in reserve. This would likely place Iran in a position to maintain small-scale attacks against the Gulf, with increased penetration rates and sustained economic disruption.
Kuwait, which lies just dozens of kilometres from mainland Iran and borders southern Iraq, is likely the most vulnerable to Iranian attacks, and hosts several US bases. Projectiles can be launched from Iran within close range of Kuwait, providing limited reaction and interception time. Furthermore, Iranian-backed Shia militia groups are highly active in southern Iraq and maintain a large arsenal of rocket, drone, and missile capabilities. However, other Gulf States, especially the UAE, are likely to present more strategically attractive targets for Iran due to their concentration of high-value economic infrastructure and scale of US investment. This has likely been reflected by the number of missiles and UAVs that have been launched against the UAE, which remains the most targeted country in the Gulf. Dubai is located approximately 150 kilometres from Iran, where UAVs can be launched and approach targets, using slow and low-altitude flight profiles, which will likely complicate detection, positive identification and interception and provide air defences with limited time to react.
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Outlook: Escalation Risks Persist After US–Israel Strikes on Iran
Current US and Israeli military operations mark a significant escalation from Operation Midnight Hammer, which involved preliminary strikes on Iranian conventional military capabilities to enable a US bombing run on Iran’s nuclear facilities. Furthermore, the scale of the US’s current force posture and forward positioning of military assets is the largest buildup in the region since the 2003 invasion of Iraq.
Iran’s current strategy is likely aimed not only at striking Israel and US military forces but also at generating widespread economic disruption, undermining US regional security guarantees and restoring deterrence by positioning itself as a resilient power capable of inflicting widespread damage and costs despite suffering major losses.

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